This year marks seventy years since Japanese women first exercised their right of suffrage. In the same amendment to the electoral laws that enfranchised women in Japan, was the recognition of their right to run for political office.[1] The election following this landmark reform saw 67 per cent of eligible women vote and 39 women elected into Parliament, comprising 8.4 per cent of the Lower House.[2] However, seventy years later, the percentage of women in the Lower House of Parliament has increased by only 1.1 per cent.[3] Despite having the right of participation for seventy years, women remain just as grossly under-represented in government as in 1946.

The dismal participation rate of women is just another reflection of the slow movement in the status of women and gender equality in Japan.[4] According to Usui, Rose, & Kageyama the reason progress has been slow is that women are ‘over-embedded in the networks of family and community based on the traditional division of gender roles.’[5] Although the rigid patriarchal structures and the damaging stereotypes relegating women to the household have gradually broken down since the post-war period,[6] elements of the antiquated biases still exist today. Just this year, the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) produced a report raising concerns over the persistence of stereotypes in Japan that are ‘reflected in the media…and [have] an impact on educational choices and the sharing of family and domestic responsibilities between women and men.’[7]

The gender inequality behind the poor representation of women in Parliament may at first seem isolated to Japan. However, similar barriers for women’s participation exist in Australia, including the traditions surrounding women’s role in society and the burden of balancing both work and family commitments.[8] It is therefore important that these issues are considered in a broad, international context as a means of understanding the reason behind women’s under-representation globally and working towards gender equality in all decision-making bodies.

 Early movement towards 30 per cent target

The 30 per cent target for women in leadership roles was first announced by then Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi in 2003.[9] The target was to be fulfilled by 2020 and applied to leadership positions across all sectors of society including politicians and government ministry heads.[10] However, by 2006 Koizumi had vacated the office with little progress in creating a lasting reform of the embedded gendered system within parliament.[11] Nearly a decade later, Prime Minister Abe resumed his predecessor’s efforts with an unprecedented level of fervor; surprising many who recalled his contrary disposition towards women’s advancement between 2006-2007.[12] His party went on to make a commitment in 2012 to achieve the 30 per cent leadership target ‘without fail.’[13]

Women in Parliament

Reaching the 30 per cent target in the political sphere in Japan appears to be a substantial and almost impossible task when considering Japan’s internationally lamentable representation of women in Parliament. This year the Lower House comprised only 9.5 per cent of women while the Upper House was marginally higher and comprised 15.7 per cent of women.[14] Comparatively, Japan placed 157^th among the 191 countries surveyed for the percentage of women in the Lower House.[15] Australia ranked 100 places ahead at 56^th.[16]

The reasons behind Japan’s relentlessly dismal participation rates are manifold. Academics have identified damaging structural and cultural obstacles from the post-war period that have continued to reinforce the dominance of men in politics.[17] Japanese members of the present Parliament attribute the flaws in the campaign process that still disadvantage women, and the difficulty in balancing family commitments with the demands of Parliament. The underlying issue common to these individual factors is the prevailing societal idea that women are the primary attendants of the household, and the expectation that they continue to perform these defined, compartmentalised roles alongside any personal ambitions they may have. The natural political consequence of these perceptions has been summarised by Dalton; ‘When women are overwhelmingly burdened with family duties and are socialised into roles that do not facilitate full participation in public or political life, it is little surprise that public positions of power, including electoral politics, are dominated by men.’[18]

It is perplexing to note that despite these continuing barriers to women’s political engagement, the major political parties have demonstrated little interest in the issue. The challenges women face are the same as those identified 10, 20 years ago and are likely to exist well into the future without drastic institutional change.[19] There is some degree of hope, however, with the introduction of two unprecedented bills that aim to balance the number of female candidates and promote a voluntary quota system within political parties.

Lack of campaign support

Women continue to face a number of hurdles in the campaign process including a lack of support from their parties, communities, and families. Independent MP Michiyo Yakushiji indicated that families tend to discourage their relatives from running for office because they believe it is embarrassing. Other familial objections stem from the traditionally irreconcilable idea of a woman, especially one with children, working in politics.[20] A Democratic Party (DP) MP explained, ‘Even when women were initially given the right to run for office, attached was a caveat that they were to first obtain the permission of their husbands… for fear of their family unit being thrown into disarray.’ A high-ranking member in the DP Policy Affairs Research Council explained the DP’s strategy in increasing female candidates in recent years, which have included persuading the families (often husbands) to allow women to run.

A related concern is their lack of financial independence. According to representatives in Parliament, many women rely on the husband’s income and would not be able to fund their campaign individually, should the families disapprove. They also receive little financial support from their parties. As a male DP MP explained, ‘candidates running in single member districts are substantially responsible for their own funding and receive little support from their parties.’ He proposed that parties should assist female candidates in campaign efforts.

The communities can also be very critical of candidates. Female candidates with young children have faced criticism from many in their local communities, especially from other women. Two MPs detailed the highly prejudiced views that sengyo-shufu (full-time housewives) hold against working mothers. ‘They believe that these women are selfishly abandoning their role as mothers’ commented one MP. He explained that these views become very prohibitive during election periods when there is an ostensible lack of support from sengyo-shufu, which is normally a large volunteer group in the campaigning process. A senior female Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) MP, who declined to be named, commented on the difficulty in overcoming this prejudice in collecting donations: ‘some people are hesitant about supporting and providing funding to women because they have doubts as to how long these women will stay in Parliament.’

Balancing commitments in Parliament

As women have been historically absent from the political process, it is not surprising that politics is still largely perceived as a man’s domain. A high-ranking member in the DP Policy Affairs Research Council commented, ‘Women who wish to succeed in politics must become men.’ However, with the demands of childcare being unilaterally entrusted to women, they are not able to abdicate themselves of their parental duties, as is common among male legislators. Two female MPs stated that although they work as politicians during the day, they, unlike their male counterparts, must still be mothers when they return home in the evening.

This is problematic in a society where many work related discussions are held after hours through nominication (open communication through drinking).[21] Female politicians with children have not been invited or were otherwise unable to attend these gatherings and are consequently left out of important, albeit dubious, decision-making processes. To address these issues, LDP MP Noriko Miyagawa has been actively promoting a stronger, more imbedded system of support for female representatives within Parliament. However, there has been minimal movement towards actual implementation of such rules.

Female politicians are also left disadvantaged by their limited capacity to attend as many events in their electorate as their male counterparts. Two MPs stated that it is common for wives of politicians to attend events on behalf of the representative who would otherwise be unable to travel so frequently to their local districts. This does not apply equally to female politicians, as some are unmarried or have working husbands, requiring them to fulfill all of these responsibilities alone.[22] Despite these hindering practices, a senior female LDP representative noted that things were changing and men were becoming less reliant on their wives to support their political careers.

Consequences of inadequate representation

Given the imbalance in the number of barriers facing women wanting to run for office, it is natural that very few women raise their hands. However, the ramifications of maintaining this status quo are serious and pose a significant threat to the advancement of women. A senior female LDP representative, who would not go on the record, stated ‘the reason why women’s policies in Japan are so behind is because we have had very few female members of Parliament. The declining population, childcare facilities, women’s working environments… Japan is about 10 years behind in these areas.’

Two other representatives explained that women’s interests in relation to sexual harassment, childcare and domestic violence are not being adequately represented and tend to be legislated through a man’s perspective. There have also been instances where Parliamentary committees reviewing cases of sexual harassment on women have consisted mostly of men, sometimes only having one female member. One DP representative on such a committee commented that the male committee members ‘may have more room to forgive, or they would understand why [the perpetrator] would do such a thing, whereas it would be difficult for a woman to understand… so in that kind of committee half of the people have to be women.’

Beginning of structural change?

As a step forward in achieving the 30 per cent target, a nonpartisan group for the promotion of women in the field of politics was established in February 2015.[23] The group proposed a bill encouraging all political parties to work towards nominating an even number of male and female candidates. However, there was a disagreement in the target between the LDP and the DP. Both major parties are now set to propose two separate bills, stalling momentum yet again. The DP also put forward an amendment to the Public Offices Election Law that would allow candidates on a party’s proportional representation list to be grouped by gender and then apportioned seats alternately. The amendment would result in establishing a voluntary electoral quota to increase the number of women in the Lower House.

This is the first time that any major party in Japan has taken legislative steps to actively increase the number of women in Parliament. As identified by Dalton, ‘political parties, and particularly the LDP, have been instrumental in keeping women out of politics.’[24] The LDP has been repeatedly criticized for their historically limited interest in women’s advancement and rigid objection towards establishing a quota system.[25] The DP had shared similar reservations and their position towards quotas had been ambivalent. [26] However, the DP has since emerged with impassioned support and endorsement of positive action to secure women’s political participation. Many male and female DP representatives are now in favour of establishing a quota system in contrast to many LDP representatives and some independents who are still reluctant to demonstrate support.

‘It is too early for a quota system,’ commented female independent MP Michiyo Yakushiji ‘first, women need to receive the proper training and education necessary to be effective in leadership positions. It is not always the case that the position creates the person. If women are suddenly given a role they feel they cannot fulfill, they may carry a lot of stress and eventually fade out. It may be better to wait another 5, 10 years.’ Similarly, two LDP MPs expressed apprehension as to the effectiveness of a quota system in raising women’s status in Parliament. One senior female LDP MP commented ‘Some male politicians believe that it will amount to reverse discrimination and if women are elected in this manner, the quality of politicians and work will decline. This perception is very damaging for female politicians as their colleagues may believe that she was only elected because of her gender.’ As the other LDP MP Noriko Miyagawa stated ‘the women who are elected should be recognised for their skills and abilities, and should not have to be wrongfully targeted because of the failings of a non-meritocratic system.’

Another LDP MP emphasised the need for support in the positions leading to candidacy for a parliamentary seat, such as in prefectural assemblies. ‘They need to understand how the legislature, and creating legislation, works. Otherwise if they suddenly become members of Parliament they will not know what to do.’ In contrast, DP MP Kenta Izumi expressed that ‘there is a misunderstanding that women cannot speak well and cannot fulfill their roles, but that is false. Parliament is just simply not utilising women’s skills to the full extent. If Parliament secures particular seats for women, this will allow those women to use their skills. In the current Parliament, men have taken away women’s ability to voice their opinions.’ This view is common amongst the DP, which is in strong support of a quota system to increase women’s participation.

A long road ahead

Despite the DP’s progressive positioning within Japanese politics, there is substantial doubt that it will be enough to instigate the structural changes necessary to meet the 30 per cent target. Modern Japanese and international political science and gender issues expert Professor Mari Miura believes that the DP’s weakness lies in it’s own implementation of the policies it propagates. ‘They have not embodied their own principles and established an internal quota system within the party, despite advocating for a bill which would require parties to work towards implementing such a system.’ There are also only a few examples of female leadership within the party, which again brings into question their commitment to women’s participation and advancement.

According to Professor Miura, the current government’s lack of commitment and action makes attaining the target nearly impossible. ‘Even if they do not meet the target, there will not be much public or political backlash…because the population is not very concerned with this issue. In Japan there just isn’t a consensus that we need to increase the number of women [in Parliament]. It is accepted that for economic reasons women should participate more in the workforce, but this has not extended to the Parliament.’ She explained that if there were greater pressure from the general public, the LDP would have no option but to reflect those views. However, the current public interest is ambivalent at best.

Legislators have also recognized this problem as crucial for women’s participation, leading some to advocate for greater political engagement by women and young people. However, with a notoriously complicated electoral system and a generally politically apathetic public, it is unlikely that voters will adopt the banner of feminism and change the political landscape, even with the reduced voting age of 18 from this year.

Conclusion

The Abe government’s 2020 deadline is moving ever closer. There have been some promising legislative movements towards a quota system by the DP and other opposition parties. However, the lack of genuine commitment by the DP, the impotency of any proposal bereft of the majority LDP support, and the LDP’s reluctance towards a quota system makes the 30 per cent leadership target in the political realm almost entirely unachievable. This conclusion is further reinforced by the concern amongst academics whether the figure will even reach 20 per cent in the next 10 years.

Without public awareness and pressure, it is difficult to foresee any significant change to the number of women in parliament. The Japanese public must acknowledge the low political participation rate as an issue worthy of concern and activism, and understand the underlying gender inequality that creates the disproportionally high number of barriers for women. People must realize that the entrenched division of labor in the household is in dire need of liberation and women must have the freedom to pursue political careers. They must unitedly and proactively call for Parliament to challenge the stereotypes and prejudice towards women in Japanese society. Until there is such a widespread movement placing pressure on the Parliament to implement comprehensive measures, the number of women in the Japanese Parliament will continue to be dismal, along with Japan’s prospects of achieving a gender equal society.

Elisa Solomon is a final year law student at the University of Queensland. She has lived in Japan for 10 years and previously worked in Tokyo for Trade and Investment Queensland and the Australian Embassy. She recently spent two months working at the Japanese Parliament researching developments in women’s policies in Japan. She hopes to work in improving labour conditions within the Asia-Pacific, with a focus on women’s rights.

References:

[1] Beauchamp, Edward R. (1998) Women and Women’s Issues in Post World War II Japan (Dimensions in Contemporary Japan), Garland Publishing, Inc: New York & London, 61.

[2] “Getting more women in the Diet” in The Japan Times, 12 May 2016, available at http://www.japantimes.co.jp/opinion/2016/05/12/editorials/getting-women-diet/#.V1D7hpN96Rs.

[3] “Women in national parliaments” (2016), Inter-Parliamentary Union, available at <http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/classif.htm>.

[4] Usui, Chikako, Suzanna Rose & Reiko Kageyama (2003) “Women, Institutions and Leadership in Japan” in Asian Perspective, Vol. 27, No. 3, 85, 91.

[5] Usui, Chikako, Suzanna Rose & Reiko Kageyama (2003), above n 4, 120.

[6] Takenaka, Chiharu (2009) “Peace, Democracy and Women in Postwar Japan” in Peace and Change, Vol. 12, No. 3-4, 69, 75.

[7] “Concluding observations on the combined seventh and eighth periodic reports of Japan” (2016), UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, 5.

[8] “Representation of women in Australian parliaments” (2014) in Parliamentary Library – Research Paper Series 2014-2015, Department of Parliamentary Services, Parliament of Australia.

[9] “Holding back half the nation” in The Economist, 29 March 2014, available at http://www.economist.com/news/briefing/21599763-womens-lowly-status-japanese-workplace-has-barely-improved-decades-and-country.

[10] “Gov’t lowers numerical goals for promoting women to leadership positions” in The Mainichi, 4 December 2015, available at <http://mainichi.jp/articles/20151204/ddm/001/010/152000c>.

[11] Dalton, Emma (2015) Women and Politics in Contemporary Japan, Taylor and Francis, 66.

[12] Kano, Ayako and Vera Mackie, “Is Sinzo Abe Really a Feminist?” in East Asia Forum, 9 November 2013, available at <http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2013/11/09/is-shinzo-abe-really-a-feminist/>.

[13] “Gov’t lowers numerical goals for promoting women to leadership positions”, above n 10.

[14] “Women in national parliaments”, above n 3.

[15] “Women in national parliaments”, above n 3.

[16] “Women in national parliaments”, above n 3.

[17] Dalton, Emma (2015) above n 11, 22.

[18] Dalton, Emma (2015) above n 11, 65.

[19] Dalton, Emma (2015) above n 11, 23.

[20] Patricia (1999) The Mountain is Moving – Japanese Women’s Lives, UBC Press: Vancouver, 137; Dalton, Emma (2015) above n 11, 22-23.

[21] Witt, Michael A. (2006) Changing Japanese Capitalism: Societal Coordination and Institutional Adjustment, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 99.

[22] Dalton, Emma (2015) above n 11, 106.

[23] “女性議員増へ足並み乱れ 超党派、法案提出できず 女性団体「政争の具、もうやめて」”, in the Asahi Shinbun, 9 June 2016.

[24] Dalton, Emma (2015) above n 11, 123.

[25] Dalton, Emma, “Japanese politics still a man’s world” in East Asia Forum, 9 June 2016, available at <http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2016/06/09/japanese-politics-still-a-mans-world-2/>.

[26] Dalton, Emma (2015) above n 11, 130.